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CORDELIA, KING LEAR AND HIS FOOL.

 

CHAPTER I

 

A PLAY FOR KING JAMES I.

 

When was the last time you rented one of the several videos of King Lear for your family to watch at Christmas time? Although this story of an abused daughter who is hanged when she tries to help rescue her crazed father from the power of her evil sisters has a great fascination to us, it's not the kind of play you would choose to watch during the festive season, unless you had had a bad year! And yet it was during the festive season of 1606 that Shakespeare first performed King Lear before King James I and possibly his family. Had King James had a bad year, and Shakespeare too?

         We may be sure that when James and the then Dukes of Cornwall and Albany[1] sat down to watch Shakespeare's production of King Lear, they were already very familiar with the rich folklore surrounding this legendary king of England who was supposed to have lived some 800 years BC. It is perhaps hard for us to conceive that the tale was then already a hundred or more years older than Shakespeare's version is today, and was probably as well known to Jacobean audiences as the cognate tale Cinderella is to us today. A number of seemingly competing versions of the tale were in circulation.

 

         It was less than thirty years since John Higgins had given his account of the tragic end of Cordila in The Mirror For Magistrates (1578). In this work, which closes with a stern warning against suicide, Cordila takes her own life in prison after failing to gain the throne of England from her evil sisters' sons. We will see that it is evident from the text of King Lear that Shakespeare was familiar with Higgins' work.

 

         More immediate to Shakespeare's production was an anonymous dramatic version:

                 THE True Chronicle History of King LEIR, and

                 his three daughters, Gonorill, Ragan, and Cordella.[2]

Published in 1605, it reversed the fortunes of Cordella who with the help of the King of France restores her father to the English throne and a happy ending. According to the title page of this version it had recently been acted in different places at different times. Whether James had seen or read this version and commanded a performance of the tale by Shakespeare's troupe, or whether Shakespeare had been looking out for a suitable play to perform before his majesty during the festive season, we do not know.[3] But we do know that Shakespeare, adapting the many versions of the story and other legendary material, fashioned his own version for performance before King James[4].

 

         At a later date, I believe, Shakespeare modified the presentation that he had made before King James for subsequent presentation to the general public at the Globe[5]. Then in 1608, perhaps after public performances had been running at the Globe for some time, the play, as it had been performed before James, was published in the Quarto (single play) edition under the title:

                 M. William Shake-speare, HIS True Chronicle History of the life and death of King Lear, and his three Daughters. With the vnfortunate life of EDGAR, sonne and heire to the Earle of Glocester, and his sullen and assumed humour of TOM of Bedlam.[6]

Whether or not Shakespeare had a hand in the contents of the title page of the Quarto edition of his play, the similarity of the 1605 and 1608 titles suggests that Shakespeare's production was thought of as a contrast with the earlier work both claiming to be the true account. A consideration of the contents of both plays leaves the reader in no doubt that Shakespeare was very familiar with the earlier work, and that he expected his audience would have been familiar with it too.

 

         The title page of Shakespeare's Quarto edition also differs from the 1605 Leir in that it specifies the performance before King James I:

                 As it was plaid before the Kings Majesty at White‑Hall, vpon S. Stephens night, in Christmas Hollidayes. By his Majesties Seruants, playing vsually at the Globe on the Banck‑side.

This seems to suggest that Shakespeare's Quarto edition was not only a contrast with the 1605 production, but that it also differed from current performances at the Globe. The text of King Lear published in the 1623 Folio edition of Shakespeare's collected plays differs in a number of important ways from the performance given before James.

         Had the 1606 production been acted before other audiences in addition to James, the details of performances might have followed the style of performance details in the 1602 Quarto of The Merry Wives of Windsor which reads:

                 As it hath bene divers times Acted by the right Honorable my Lord Chamerlaines servants. Both before her Majestie, and else‑where,

and thus read something like: 'As it was played before the Kings Majesty at White‑Hall, vpon S. Stephens night, in Christmas Hollidaies, and since then at the Globe, by his Majesties Seruants.' The statement, on the Quarto's title page, "By his Majesties Seruants, playing vsually at the Globe on the Banck‑side", does not necessarily imply that his Majesty's Servants were playing this version of the play at the Globe. It might simply be saying that they usually perform at the Globe. Public interest in the way the production of the play the public saw differed from the performance given before King James might have prompted the publication of the 1608 text. But whether the title page of the Quarto edition was meant to signify an exclusive performance of the Quarto play before King James, as the title page of the Quarto edition of Love's Labor's Lost[7]  would  seem to suggest an exclusive presentation before  Elizabeth of an unaugmented Love's Labor's Lost several Christmases earlier, or whether the Quarto edition of Lear was also being performed before the public in 1608, is not necessarily of great significance to our understanding of the play.

 

         We would do well, however, to note the definite association of the Quarto edition of Lear with King James I at the performance in 1606 and on the title page in 1608. The fact that there are significant changes to the Quarto edition in the Folio text, might reflect particular associations with King James which could be made in his presence and perhaps before public audiences in 1606 and 1608, but which might have been lost on later public audiences. Or the changes might reflect differences in public taste between the two. That which was acceptable in 1606 and 1608 may not have been so acceptable in the public theatre later.

 

Both the 1608 and the 1623 editions of Lear differ from the 1605 Leir in that they add the Gloucester sub‑plot, and the Fool. It is worth noting that despite the introduction of the Fool, normally a comic character, and other comic devices, the general tone of Lear, at least as it is usually understood today, is much more sombre 1

 

than Leir, finishing with the failure of the French forces to reinstate Lear as King of Britain, the seemingly untimely execution of Cordelia and the subsequent death of Lear. Many readers of Lear have been so shocked by the ending Shakespeare has given to the tale that, like Samuel Johnson, they have not wanted to approach the play again. Nahum Tate, who saw the play as "a heap of jewels, unstrung"[8], reacted against the unhappy ending introducing an adaptation of the play in 1681 with a happy ending and ironically no Fool. Tate's version held the stage until the 1830s when the influence of Lamb, Hazlitt and others finally culminated in the 1838 production by Macready, who reinstated Shakespeare's original ending and restored the Fool. There have been any number of critics who have found Shakespeare's play a poor one. Thackeray wrote after seeing a performance,

                  We all found the play a bore....It is almost blasphemy to say that a play of Shakespeare's is bad; but I can't help it, if I think so.[9]

More recently G.K. Hunter complains of Lear having a defective plot

                 The first thing that we must notice about the plot of King Lear is its defectiveness by ordinary standards.[10]

Russell Fraser writes of resolving "at least a corner of the mystery which is the play."[11] Indeed the response of many readers of Lear is as though they "smell a fault" (1.1.15).[12] They seem to be saying "the text is foolish" (4.2.37).[13]  But we are not prepared to "wish the fault of it undone, the issue of it being so proper" (1.1.16) - we all agree that what Tate calls "jewels" are indeed precious.

 

         Although no one seems to have explained Bradley's[14] list of gross improbabilities and other things in Lear of which he complains, Lear is nevertheless frequently heralded as the greatest piece of literature in the English language[15]. Perhaps it is an uncertainty or ambiguity about the play for some, that adds to the depth of despair and has drawn people to it down through the years.  For despite the horror of it all there is something that draws some people with Keats to sit down and read King Lear again:

                 ...once again, the fierce dispute

                 Betwixt damnation and impassion'd clay

                 Must I burn through; once more humbly assay

         The bitter‑sweet of this Shakespearean fruit.[16]

G. K. Hunter points out that the "modern popularity of the play among readers has its obvious counterpart in the theatrical movement which stresses the theatre's social role to shock and distress."[17]  One wonders, however, how King James would have responded to the performance that Christmas season in 1606. Would Shakespeare have had the nerve to give the king, and perhaps the Queen and their children, entertainment from which they might recoil in horror and distress during that festive season, especially if the king and his family were familiar with the earlier versions of the story and expecting a happy ending? Would he have presented them with something that would only bore them? Or could it be that there was something operating in the performance which James and his contemporaries saw, but which we have failed to see? Was there something going on in the play that rescued it from the depths of despair or boredom for them?

 

         The various stories of this legendary king of England held interest for King James and others at the end of the Sixteenth Century and the beginning of the Seventeenth, but the rich variety of English tradition, which Perrett[18] shows goes back to the Twelfth Century, has given way entirely to Shakespeare's Lear so that today's readers' only approach to the legend is through it. Since we know that Shakespeare was not operating in a theatrical and literary vacuum, it might help our understanding of Lear if we became somewhat familiar with the immediate sources Shakespeare counterpoints.

 

         Perrett explores the great variety in tales of this early legendary king of Britain, and related legends of kings of other lands and sometimes fathers who were not kings, who divided their lands between their children, sometimes sons, and not always three in number. Perrett summarises these legends with these words:

                 But if we take an average by retaining details common to a majority, we get the following outline:‑ A king asks his three daughters how much they love him. The first two give pleasing answers, the third displeases by saying that she loves him like salt. She is driven forth, but obtains aid, a disguise, and menial employment. A prince falls in love with her and marries her. The father learns the value of salt through having saltless food set before him, and is reconciled.[19]

It is granted that Shakespeare's version differs in a major way in that no reference is made to salt. This was because he was following contemporary English versions which said nothing of salt. And even though Shakespeare is not averse to departing from his source material,[20] yet it does seem remarkable to me that Shakespeare departs from the "average" of the Leir stories, including the English versions, which portray the abused child disguised and engaged in menial employment. This is particularly remarkable because Shakespeare adds to the Leir legend such an emphasis on disguised service ‑ Kent's and Edgar's. Why would he introduce so much new disguise, and yet eliminate the disguised service by the principal character?

 

         In more recent years there has been a persistent belief among a majority of critics that the boy actor who played the part of Cordelia in Shakespeare's production also doubled as Lear's Fool. Many productions of Lear now use the same female actor for both parts. This doubling of the parts played by the boy actor was suggested by Alios Brandl in 1894, and further explored by Thomas B. Stroup in Shakespeare Quarterly,  Volume 12, 1961.[21] Writing about the reappearance of Cordelia, Stroup admits:

                 and yet, if the two were played by the same actor, the audience must dissociate the person now appearing as Cordelia from the person recently appearing as Fool.[22]

This would have been harder for Shakespeare's audiences to do than Stroup seems to have realised, for at the time there was a stage practice of dressing people of high rank in the fool's motley. Marsden's Antonio in Antonio's Revenge, published in 1602, is an example of this. We will look at more examples later.

 

         In his essay Stroup refers to an article, published in 1897 in The American Shakespeare Magazine[23], in which Arthur J. Stringer, of Oxford University, basing his argument on the notion that "a particular conception of a dramatic character...which increases the human sympathy of the reader, and enriches the dramatic value, must be an acceptable one", went on to state:

                 It is for this reason that I have adopted what was a desirable hypothesis with me at one time, but is now an unhesitatingly accepted belief; that is, that the Fool in Shakespeare's King Lear is none other than Cordelia herself.[24]

Stringer's article is more an expression of personal feelings about the play than an examination of the text, but he makes some interesting points. He is doing what the ending of the play calls on us all to do ‑ "Speak what we feel, not what we ought to say." However, the weakness of his argument is that he does not indicate what became of the king's original Fool, the one Lear calls for at the opening of the play, the one whose place he believes Cordelia took.

 

         H.N. Anshutz, in his article "Cordelia and the Fool" published in 1964[25], also proposes that the Fool was actually Cordelia, and he suggests that perhaps the real Fool had died leaving an opening for Cordelia. As we will see, there is no need to postulate the death of the original Fool for he appears in the text out of his disguise. His name, as we will show, is Oswald. Anshutz asks whether Shakespeare intended to "mislead the audience", and then allow them to participate with Lear in the "perceptual revelation" at the end of the play, or whether Shakespeare's original audiences, "accustomed to his constant use of disguises and possessing as common knowledge facts unknown to later spectators" were "able to see what critics and viewers since have been unable to see".

 

         The truth of the situation was probably a combination of both of these possibilities. Those who did not see Cordelia disguised as the Fool along the way had it revealed to them at the conclusion when Lear is holding his dead Cordelia and exclaims while looking at her face:

                 And my poor fool is hang'd! No, no, no life!

                 ...Thou'lt come no more,

                 Never, never, never, never, never!

                 Pray you, undo this button: thank you, Sir. (5.3.304)[26]

Then Lear, looking on the dead Cordelia/Fool's face, in the Folio edition of the play, attempts to make the fact of Cordelia's service as the Fool known with:

                 Do you see this? Look on her, look, her lips,

                 Look there, look there!

but he does not get through to those with whom he shares the last moments of his life, and so they do not make the connection, as is evident from the closing words of Edgar:

                 The oldest hath borne most: we that are young

                 Shall never see so much, nor live so long.

The reason for this failure will become evident later.

 

         This interpretation of the play would be impossible if the persistent belief that the boy actor who played the part of Cordelia also doubled as Lear's Fool were in fact untenable. That such a doubling was made has had its detractors. A. Thaler argues that the doubling would not have been physically possible:

                 the difficulties in the way of this case of supposed doubling - the changes in make-up, dress, bearing, and voice, required to metamorphose the tempest-tost Fool into the Queen seem insuperable.[27]

But his arguments are refuted by the modern practice of casting the same actress in both roles.

 

         Other critics have insisted that the part of Fool was played by Robert Armin who did have a greater than usual interest in real-life idiots, observing them, and acting their part in plays even before he joined Shakespeare's troupe. In his exhaustive work on Shakespeare's fools, David Wiles suggests:

                          King Lear provided Armin with his last straight 'fool' role. It was a classic climax for Armin inasmuch as the historical English setting allowed him, for the first time in the extant repertoire, to don the traditional motley and cockscomb of medieval tradition. Armin's researches and observations of real-life idiots had hitherto led him away from the old emblematic stage tradition. With Lear's fool, Armin's cycle of fool roles came full circle. Afterwards followed a cluster of variations or inversions. Armin abandoned a fool's uniform in order to play opposite a designated 'fool' who served as his mirthless stooge.[28]

From what we know of Armin's deformed physique it would be hard to have him play both Cordelia and the Fool. But it is pure conjecture on Wiles' part that Armin played the Fool in Lear. He introduces no evidence that would lead us to that conclusion, for there is none. It is pure presumption.[29] It is interesting however that he supposes that Lear was the last time that Armin donned the Fool's motley thereafter playing opposite the designated fool who served as his mirthless stooge. Why could not Armin have put off the motley before he played in Lear, and played the part there of one who had been in the habit of coming before the King as his Fool, but who abandons this role when Lear turns the crown over to his daughters, the part, as we propose, opposite the Fool Cordelia, namely Oswald?

 

         The possibility of a woman of high class donning a humble disguise was already well established by the time of King Lear. Some who have taken exception to Cordelia's playing the part of the Fool have argued that it could not have been possible for Lear not to have noticed a change in his Fool, nor his daughter in her disguise. To us it does seem incredible, but the well established tradition of disguise easily allowed this, and Lear allows it - Lear does not recognise his servant Kent, nor his godson Edgar, nor does Gloucester recognise his son Edgar. Further, in Leir there is a lengthy scene in France where Leir converses with his daughter Cordella, who, along with the King of France, is "disguised like Country folke" (line 2091).

 

         And what became of the King of France? Would he have gone off and left his new found Queen unprotected? We will show that he never did return to France after accepting Cordelia as his Queen, but stayed behind and served Lear in disguise along with Cordelia.

 

 

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[1]. Prince Henry, who would have been 12 or 13 years old at the time of this performance, was the Duke of Cornwall, while Prince Charles, about 6 years old, was the Duke of Albany. See Gibbs, V., (ed) The Complete Peerage of England Scotland Ireland Great Britain and the United Kingdom (London, 1910) Volumes 1 and 3.

 

2. THE True Chronicle History of King LEIR and his three daughters, Gonorill, Ragan, and Cordella. As it hath bene diuers and sundry times lately acted. LONDON, Printed by Simon Stafford for John Wright, and are to bee sold at his shop at Christes Church dore, next Newgate Market. 1605.

 

[3]. If James were in the habit of having pleasant histories read to him at his meals, as he advised his son to do, [see James I Basilikon Doron published in H. Morley, A Miscellany (London, 1888) p.149] we could well imagine James having The True Chronicle History of King Leir read to him and his family at dinner, perhaps even by Shakespeare himself, who then thought he could improve on the tale.

 

[4]. For a listing of some of the correspondences between Lear and earlier works, see W.W. Greg, "The Date of King Lear and Shakespeare's Use of Earlier Versions of the Story" The Library Vol. XX  1940 page 377.

 

[5]. That Shakespeare was responsible for both the Quarto and Folio editions of King Lear seems to have the support of modern scholarship. See G. Taylor and M. Warren (eds) The Division of the Kingdoms (Oxford, 1983).

 

[6]. M. William Shake‑speare, HIS True Chronicle History of the life and death of King Lear, and his three Daughters. With the vnfortunate life of EDGAR, sonne and heire to the Earle of Glocester, and his sullen and assumed humour of TOM of Bedlam. As it was played before the Kings Majestie at Whitehall upon S. Stephans night in Christmas Hollidayes. By his Majesties seruants playing vsually at the Gloabe on the Bancke-side. LONDON. Printed for Nathaniel Butter, and are to be sold at his shop in  Pauls Church-yard at the signe of the Pide Bull neere St. Austins Gate. 1608.

 

[7]. A PLEASANT Conceited Comedie CALLED, Loues labors lost. As it vvas presented before her Highness this last Christmas. Newly corrected and augmented By W. Shakespere. Imprinted at London by W.W. for Cuthbert Burby. 1598.

 

[8]. G.K. Hunter King Lear (Harmondsworth, 1972) p. 23.

 

[9]. See K. Muir (Ed) King Lear p. xli, xlii for this and other examples of dissatisfaction with the play.

 

[10]. G.K. Hunter Op cit p. 9.

 

[11]. R. Fraser (ed) King Lear,  (New York, 1963) p. xxxvi.

 

[12]. Gloucester meant "fault" in the sense of sin but it could also have suggested fault in the sense of mistake.

 

[13]. Goneril was echoing the words of Elizabeth I and suggesting that Albany's preaching was false. But by the time many get to these words of Goneril, the text of Lear is foolish to them with its cuts and emendations and interpolations!

 

[14]. A.C. Bradley, "Lecture on King Lear", Shakespearean Tragedy, (New York, 1967) pp. 243ff.

 

[15]. H.A. Mason notes this and calls for something radical to be done. "Although the critics by and large agree on a high estimate of the play, they agree on nothing else. There is therefore a task of mediating and searching for a reading that will command wider assent than any so far obtained." H.A. Mason "King Lear: The Central Stream"  The Cambridge Quarterly Vol. II No. 1 1966-67 p. 25.

 

[16]. E. Cook (ed) John Keats (Oxford, 1990), p. 168.

 

[17]. G.K. Hunter Op cit p. 52

 

[18]. W. Perrett The Story of King Lear, Palaestra XXXV. (Berlin, 1904).

 

[19]. Ibid, p. 11.

 

[20]. As he did for example in the second half of The Winter's Tale.

 

[21]. T. B. Stroop, "Cordelia and the Fool." Shakespeare Quarterly Vol. 12, 1961 p. 127.

 

[22]. Ibid, p. 130.

 

[23]. A.J. Stringer, "Was Cordelia The King's Fool?" The American Shakespeare Magazine (New York, Vol. III, January, 1897), p. 1. Incorrectly footnoted in Stroup's essay.

 

[24]. Ibid,  p. 2.

 

[25]. H.L. Anshutz, "Cordelia and the Fool" Research Studies Vol. 32 (Washington, 1964) pp. 240-260.

 

[26]. Unless otherwise specified, references to Lear text will be to the Arden edition.

 

[27]. A. Thaler, Times Literary Supplement  February 13, 1930 page 122,

 

[28]. David Wiles Shakespeare's Clown  (Cambridge, 1987) p 155

 

[29]. G.K. Hunter writes - "We know that Richard Burbage was the original Lear, and may presume that Robert Armin played the Fool." Op Cit p. 45.